The attempts to fortify the fence and entrench ourselves behind it will not provide the answer to the real question of the identity of the people to whom the land belongs. Moreover, the fence will intensify the armament of the terrorists behind it.
From the very beginning of its planning, the partition barrier was a horrible idea that also embodies a helplessness that is not a security solution, and also constitutes a troubling manifestation of the leadership's unwillingness to courageously confront the essential question: To whom does this land belong?
In response to the opposition to the fence that we, along with others, raised at the time, they sought to reassure us with the claim that “this is not a political partition, but merely a security partition. This is not a border but rather, a partition.”
We were opposed to the fence then and remain opposed today. The fence marred the landscape and did not remedy the wave of terror. It has not and will not prevent the entry of illegal aliens.
Reality has proven that it is specifically when there is a partition fence with no IDF presence in Arab villages and cities that terrorism increases. On the other hand, when there is military presence and control over Arab villages and cities, terrorism greatly decreases and there is no need for a partition fence.
It was quiet in Jenin for a long time because the IDF was there in every alleyway and on every street. Since 2021, the IDF has hardly entered Jenin at all, and, indeed, the place has become a hornet’s nest of terrorism.
But, truth be told, the debate whether or not the fence is necessary is not really a security-military debate.
The fence is nothing but a band aid concealing a deep problem that requires consideration and has resonated since the Six Day War: What should be done with Judea and Samaria?
There is no disagreement that this is a historic part of the Land of the Jews. Along with the moral obligation to maintain the territory, there is, likewise, no debate regarding the understanding of how essential this territory is in terms of security.
Due to these points of departure, even when there was a change of government in Israel, we did not relinquish Judea and Samaria. At the same time, we have not yet mustered the national courage to apply Israeli sovereignty to these areas.
We have thereby, ostensibly, left the issue open, and consequently, it invites political and diplomatic pressure.
No matter how much they implement repair of the breaches in the fence and install all the electronic innovations, it will not be capable of withstanding an organized Arab uprising.
An uprising of that kind stems from the Arab identifying Israeli political weakness whose origin and manifestation is in the absence of a decision regarding the future of Judea and Samaria.
There must be only one decision: Jewish sovereignty.
We cannot entrench ourselves and hide behind a partition fence. We are in the midst of the ongoing struggle over the land, its sovereignty, its governance and its future.
It is recommended for those who believe that relinquishing Judea and Samaria will lead to calm to look to Gaza and draw the inevitable conclusions.
Relinquishing the territory will not provide even temporary security quiet, and certainly will not lead to peace.
Since relinquishing Judea and Samaria is not a possibility from Israel’s perspective, due both to its historic ties to the region and to the existential danger inherent in a concession of that kind, G-d forbid, the question of the population under “occupation” remains, and an answer to this question must be provided by ending that “occupation” with the application of Israel sovereignty over this area.
The Arabs of Judea and Samaria will be given resident status, similar to the status of the Arabs of East Jerusalem. They will also be given the opportunity to apply for citizenship status, but only after meeting several fundamental requirements that include loyalty, recognition of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, renunciation of terrorism, and the like.
Citizenship status will be granted after a thorough examination conducted by the security apparatus to ensure that there are no terrorists in the applicant's family, that there is no affiliation with a terrorist organization, that the pledge of allegiance to the state and its laws is indeed sincere, along with other parameters.
Arabs who will not wish to remain under Israeli sovereignty and would prefer to live in an Arab or European country, will receive economic, political and other assistance to enable them to emigrate with dignity.
Indeed, there are Arabs here who want the entire country and the time has come for us to confront the problem head-on and decide: Sovereignty in thecend will be either ours or theirs.
There is an Arab population that is not involved in terrorism, but its impact is minimal, and therefore, unfortunately, those who are innocent of any crime will suffer.
There is no avoiding the dramatic steps necessary to safeguard our lives in our only country.
The step of applying sovereignty must be undertaken in a careful and balanced manner. The possible addition of Arabs loyal to the State must be counterbalanced by massive and well-planned encouragement of significant immigration from the entire Jewish world.
The Israeli government must aspire to bring one million Jewish olim ( immigrants) to Israel.
The war in Ukraine has created an opportunity for the immigration of one-quarter of a million Jews. Unfortunately, even today, we hear from emissaries who went to aid the Jews of Ukraine that the common sentiment among the Jews of that country is that they intend to come to Israel and stay until the winds of war abate and it will be possible to return to their homes in Ukraine.
The idea of a joint right wing-left wing status quo government was destined from the outset to be an abject failure, as it is impossible to address only civil issues, as is obvious these days. Even if there are those who try to overlook these matters, concentrating instead on economic, social and health issues, the truth will emerge and become clear – the main issue that concerns the residents of Israel is the Land of Israel. It is regarding this matter alone that we disagree. Compromises and agreements can be reached on everything else, and Nitzan Horowitz, too, will agree to eat matza throughout the year if he detects that the ministerial position that he holds is precarious.
The longer we postpone the decision, the higher the price that we will pay. So let’s not sit on the fence. We will proceed with our heads held high, with an outstretched arm, from subjugation to post-Zionism to sovereignty.